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  • Una Disgrazia

    October 17th, 2025

    At Thursday’s NYC mayoral debate, Andrew Cuomo repeatedly took aim at Zohran Mamdani over his stance on Christopher Columbus. Pointing to Mamdani’s widely reported middle-finger photo at the Columbus Circle statue, Cuomo quipped, “It’s a disgrazia–do you know what that means?”

    You don’t have to speak Italian to guess what “disgrazia” means. The real question is whether, with twelve sexual-harassment allegations trailing him, Cuomo knows himself.

    Curtis Sliwa piled on too, pressing Mamdani for refusing to talk about the Columbus Day parade. If you’re not an Italian American New Yorker, you might be forgiven for scratching your head. What exactly is going on here?

    A little history: Columbus Day made its debut in 1937, “proclaimed” (but not yet an official holiday) by FDR. In political circles, it was seen as a concession to the Italian-American community, which over decades had grown into a sizable, politically influential diaspora in the U.S., and in particular, in New York. For decades prior, Italian-Americans had often been subjected to second-class status, much like the Irish before them and many other immigrant communities in America’s early days. “Deigo”, “Guinea”, “Guido”, “FOB”, and “WOP”, among other uniquely American pejoratives for Italians, all date back to the late 19th and early 20th century. The presidential proclamation of a day for Italian Americans was a progressive step forward, an implicit acknowledgment of the integration of Italian Americans into American society, and completely in line with FDR’s overall unifying message.

    Of course, integration wasn’t seamless. Shortly after the proclamation, the U.S. declared war on the Axis powers, including fascist Italy. Naturally, many Italian Americans continued to experience discrimination, and a couple thousand Italians were incarcerated and held until the end of the war. Even so, many Italian-Americans—my grandfather included—joined the armed forces to fight Italian fascists.

    So if Columbus Day is all about Italian heritage, why didn’t they call it “Italian Heritage Day” or something like that?

    The short answer: lobbying. The Knights of Columbus, a Catholic Italian-American fraternity, lobbied for the proclamation back in 1937, and Columbus was the figurehead they embraced.

    I’d suggest a second factor: political savvy.

    Consider the words of New York Senator James O’Gorman when Columbus Day was first proclaimed: “The day should be dedicated to the memory of Columbus, who was the first to bring civilization to the western hemisphere. It is a fitting tribute to a man who, by the way, has long been an inspiration to many of our fellow citizens, especially those of Italian birth or descent.”

    Back then, most Americans–not just Italians–saw Columbus as a mythical, civilizing hero. Styling the holiday as a tribute to the discoverer of America who, “by the way,” happened to be Italian was a win-win, a political sleight of hand disguising a concession to Italian Americans behind a nod to the country’s founding. Italian or not, who back then would object? Compared to “Italian American Day”, “Columbus Day” would have been an easy sell.

    Even so, Columbus Day wasn’t officially declared a federal holiday until 1971, more than 30 years after FDR’s initial proclamation. For many Italian Americans, it marked a political triumph they still remember. At the time, Italian heritage was gaining public profile, driven in large part by the media. Events like the formation of the Italian American Civil Rights League, Joe Columbo’s  Italian Unity rallies, and the immense success of the book and movie versions of The Godfather and other works delving into Italian American subculture all put a spotlight on Italian Americans, and we responded by expressing renewed pride in our heritage and identity. So, it’s no surprise that this issue particularly appeals to Italian American boomers like Cuomo. For them, it’s personal.

    Of course today, Columbus’s legacy is more controversial. Many rightly point out that, like practically all 15th-century European explorers, he was complicit in the European slave trade and had little regard for—or concept of—human rights. That’s why some states have replaced Columbus Day with a holiday honoring indigenous peoples, starting with South Dakota’s 2004 adoption of “Native American Day.” The reaction is understandable. The problem is replacing Columbus Day with Indigenous Peoples’ Day, or anything less than a celebration of Italian heritage, effectively leaves Italian Americans, who have little if anything in common with Columbus the man, in the lurch. That opens ground for political misunderstanding and controversy.

    Yesterday, Cuomo and Sliwa tried to take advantage of this old chestnut by branding Mamdani a woke liberal for rejecting Columbus Day celebrations. But Mamdani’s position is clear, simple, and reasonable: he has nothing against Italian Americans; he just doesn’t like or want to celebrate a man who sold slaves and killed Native Americans.

    How do we bridge the gap? There’s an obvious answer few politicians are likely to embrace: find another way to celebrate Italian heritage on the second Monday of October every year. Why should we Italian Americans celebrate Columbus? His presence in our lexicon is a political coincidence, not a substantive symbol. The guy never set foot in the United States, but rather landed in the Bahamas and later settled in the Dominican Republic! The guy discovered the Caribbean, the West Indies, the Americas, not America!! And, to state the obvious, he wasn’t even Italian American!!!


    We can pick a better figure to represent Italian American heritage. Or we could just short circuit the debate entirely and call it Italian Heritage Day. Personally, I’d find that more in line with my background. We can keep Indigenous Peoples’ Day too, perhaps on a date with special historical significance to indigenous peoples (I won’t presume to suggest one.) While we’re at it, why not add Immigrant Americans Day to the calendar, in recognition of the fact that nearly all Americans have at least partial immigrant heritage? We could make it a day when we all seriously consider how to improve the broken American immigration system–a real disgrazia.

    Unfortunately, these kinds of reasonable changes are unlikely to materialize any time in the near future, making these points moot. Instead, expect politicians to keep making hay out of these non-issues–after all, what better way to build a straw man?

  • Biden’s Rebirth: Exploring the Potential of a Vice Presidential Role

    July 11th, 2024

    What if I told you there is an easy and obvious way out of the Democrats’ current crisis that no one seems to be talking about?

    Before Joe Biden was a great President, he was a great Vice President–and he could be again.

    Turns out, while the Constitution does expressly limit the number of terms that a person can serve as President, it does not limit the number of terms a person can serve as Vice President.

    What if Biden forfeited his claim to the Presidency in exchange for the Vice Presidency?

    One might be tempted to see a move from President to Vice President as a demotion. One would be wrong. As ever, the role of the Vice President is defined by the President. Dick Cheney knew it; others could as well.

    After all, shifting Biden back to second in command would align with the treatment esteemed oldtimers receive in the private sector. Often, a founder or key figure within an organization, faced with the imperatives of father time, will abdicate ultimate control over the organization in favor of a role that permits contribution without ultimate responsibility. Such people bear titles like “emeritus”, “of counsel”, and “senior consultant”. We should all be so lucky to achieve such a status.

    As Vice President, properly empowered by a new President, (and the new President’s party,) Biden could continue his good work promoting bipartisanship in the congress and western unity in NATO well beyond the crucial first 100 days of 2025.

    Meantime, the new President could focus on safeguarding public support against the alternative minority camp.

    Bottom line: you love Biden? He can continue to serve, without having to be the guy who wakes up at 2:00 in the morning because Vladimir Putin was too constipated to take a good shit. Let him continue to contribute–as Vice President–and embrace the best of both worlds.

    In other words, maybe it’s time to start talking about the Harris/Biden ticket….

    The title to this post was generated by AI.

  • What Now? On Democratic Strategy Post-Debate

    July 3rd, 2024

    By now, the world is disturbingly aware of President Biden’s shortcomings. We’ve known for years that the man is susceptible to perceptions of incompetence simply because of his age. But absent clear confirming evidence of cognitive decline, and in particular, evidence that cannot be attributed to factors like Biden’s well-known speech impediment, criticisms based on his age amounted to demographic stereotyping. That all changed after the debate.

    Contrary to popular belief, Americans are not stupid. Voters know the difference between stereotypes and evidence of facts. Biden’s age is a fact. Biden’s debate performance is a fact. The idea that an 81-year-old cannot effectively serve as President of the United States is a stereotype—albeit a compelling one.

    Consider: over the past twenty years, nobody has called for Warren Buffett to retire, even as the man approaches 100 years old. Why? Because he continues to demonstrate value, leadership, and above all, produce for his clients. Indeed, if Warren Buffett had run for President in 2016, at the age of 86, could he have won? Would he have won? We will never know.

    On the one hand, the power of stereotypes is limited in the absence of factual evidence. On the other hand, if confirming evidence is identified, stereotypes tend to provide an after-the-fact explanation for facts suggested by evidence. It’s not that Biden can’t perform because he’s 81. It’s that Biden didn’t perform because he’s 81. The difference between the two positions upended what was already an uncertain campaign.

    Today, nearly a week after Biden’s disastrous debate, many Democrats are still calling upon the President to withdraw. Publicly, administration insiders are engaged in standard damage control activities: getting Biden in front of the public in a controlled manner; issuing statements of support from high-ranking allies; deflecting criticism as performative; and generally denying that the President is currently considering a withdrawal.

    Privately, you can be sure these same political professionals are engaged in a massive polling effort, both to assess the damage done by the debate and to identify any alternatives to their current path. Collection and analysis of those results may take a week or two, even assuming that the results will be expedited. Until then, Democrats will continue to publicly avoid the question.

    When those results are finally in, if a more viable candidate can be identified, expect public calls for Biden to step down to dramatically increase. On the other hand, if a clear alternative can’t be identified, expect Democrats to continue to argue that Biden is and has been the right choice all along—a position that will continue to sound disingenuous to the American people.

    In an obvious way, the Vice President is next-in-line, and therefore, the presumed alternative to the President. Pre-debate polling suggested that Harris was less competitive with Trump than Biden, and therefore, that she did not provide a clear alternative to Biden. In the pre-debate world, Harris made limited appearances, generally gave scripted, inauthentic-sounding speeches, and by all accounts, did not play a major or even active role in governing. While that perception had recently begun to shift, if only a little, following a series of authentic statements from Harris on the abortion issue, in general, the public’s pre-debate assessment of Harris has naturally been based on the absence of confirming evidence. Perhaps the most obvious thing anyone could say about Harris was that, whereas Trump and Biden have both already served as President, she hasn’t.

    Post-debate, chaos and disruption abound…and the game has changed. The public has received clear evidence that Biden is in fact too old to perform. On the other hand, the voters have yet to receive the final word on Harris. Therein lies the opportunity: a public, energetic and authentic performance by Harris in the coming months could overwhelm current perceptions primarily based on a dearth of evidence.

    Here, authenticity means embracing subjectivity over grand, dogmatic, or categorical statements. It means speaking simply, colloquially, confidently and passionately from the heart. It means acknowledging that no one person has all the answers. Most of all, it means sounding competent and unscripted at the same time. If Harris could channel that energy, could find her authentic voice and use it relentlessly over the next few months, she could win support from the millions upon millions of voters who simply don’t really know her yet.

    Nikki Haley, a woman of color a generation younger than Trump, had the same opportunity, squandered it, and finally dropped out in a bid to preserve some modicum of influence in government. Part of the problem for Haley was that she simply could not withstand the vitriol inevitably poured on any rival to Trump by his cronies, sycophants and cultists within the Republican party. Harris would have to endure similar vitriol, but from the other side of the aisle—perhaps even to her benefit. Perhaps Harris’s advisors could learn something from how Haley’s failed play played out? Do Democrats have the vision to honestly assess the potential strengths of a Harris candidacy?

    Unless the new polling shows a clear increase in the Vice President’s viability, based perhaps on her most recent public statements, don’t hold your breath. KPI culture runs rampant in big money organizations like the Democratic and Republican parties. As such, the perceived risks inherent in replacing the incumbent President with a poorly- or even ambiguously-polling Vice President would likely prove overwhelming absent a clear data-based path forward.

    Contrast KPI culture with a couple of insights from Steve Jobs, a man widely credited with evincing visionary leadership in his space in the face of major challenges to his style and decisions. To paraphrase Jobs, people don’t know what they want until you show it to them; people don’t believe in you until you make yourself undeniable. Applying those incites requires bold action, often in the absence of clear evidence of ultimate success. Organizations assessing risk on the basis of current data often fail to capitalize on available opportunities. Apple after Jobs is a perfect example.

    Put more simply, people with a lot to lose tend to avoid bold decisions. Obama had nothing to lose. Trump had nothing to lose. Biden has everything to lose….what does Harris have to lose?

    Of course, Democrats could decide to skip over Harris and replace Biden with someone else. If that happens, it’s hard to imagine the new candidate seeking to replace Harris as Vice President. Doing so would signal increased chaos; keeping her in place would signal a sense of stability.

    But here’s the rub: at the heart of the public’s concern over a second Biden term is the idea that, if elected, he may make bad decisions due to cognitive decline, become incapacitated, or die on the job, leaving the country in the lurch. In that context, Harris is next-in-line. And so, even if the Democrats decide to stick with Biden, more than ever before, a voter’s decision will be informed by his or her view of the person who very well may be called upon to replace him. Alternatively, if Democrats choose an unknown newcomer and keep Harris in place as Vice President, they will need all the help they can get pitching the new path over the coming weeks and months. In every likely scenario, the Democrats need to get Harris out there, make a strong showing, and make it fast.

    That means, no matter who’s ultimately on the ballot, Harris must start campaigning like a candidate for President. Like, now. The alternative is to abdicate the argument and, based on current polling, the presidency.

    What does that look like? It could be good…Throw out the pompous drivel historically pumped out at campaign rallies to crowds of sycophants—Harris is at her most inauthentic in those settings. Instead, imagine a world in which the political media is talking directly to Harris nearly every day, either in studio or remotely from the White House. Imagine a competent, professional adult sitting at the right hand of power making reasonable, even-handed, authentic statements on important policy matters for public consideration. Imagine Kamala Harris challenging Donald Trump to a debate. After all, who says the Vice President can’t debate a candidate for President? Imagine a new campaign slogan for the majority of Americans who feel cheated by the choice they are presented with: “ENOUGH IS ENOUGH!” If the Democrats were willing to fully embrace Harris, to significantly empower her, even without officially placing her at the top of the ticket, the results could be powerful.

    Certainly, there’s no guarantee that Harris can deliver, and the downside risks include a Harris implosion. By most accounts, Harris is an accomplished and impressive person. So was Sarah Palin. Like Palin, Harris only has experience successfully campaigning at the top of a ticket in a very specific American community: in Palin’s case, that was rural Alaska; in Harris’s, it was urban Los Angeles. On the other hand, Harris has had the benefit of participating in a successful campaign for the Presidency, and four years to grow into a major Federal role. Would she implode like Palin, or excel? The answer may not be clear now. But compared with doing nothing, what do Democrats have to lose?

    There is a silver lining for Democrats post-debate: they will be firmly in the public eye for as long as this plays out. This is a new world, a frightening world, but also an interesting world, especially in comparison to Trump’s played out, well-trodden, and frankly boring hyperbole. As such, Democrats can expect to command the nation’s attention for the near-term. The reasons they are receiving that attention may have been unanticipated and undesirable. But this is the big game, the highest level political professionals play at. How they decide to use this found attention over the coming days will fundamentally inform and determine how voters decide to vote.

  • What’s the Difference Between Me and You?

    April 2nd, 2024

    One thing Joe Biden and Xi Jingping agree on: America is a land of “possibilities”.

    Of course, when Biden says it–or rather leans into it–the emphasis is on positive outcomes. Things we accomplished, like the moon landing. Things we can accomplish, like upward mobility. Things we may yet accomplish, like curing cancer. In a word, Biden’s interpretation of “possibilities” is optimistic.

    On the other hand, coming from Xi, the word takes on a decidedly different tone. After all, discord, disharmony, and decay are also “possible” states of being. Arguably, all three descriptions apply to contemporary American society. And so to Xi, “possibilities” becomes just another word for “chaos”.

    Funny how two people can use the same word to describe opposites.

    Surely, the Biden camp is aware of the nuance. And yet the President continues to talk about America as a land of possibilities. It’s almost as if Xi dared him to publicly embrace an ambiguous phrase that could just as easily describe a negative outcome for the American people as a positive one.

    And to his credit, Biden called that bet, in essence doubling down on optimism.

    In all events, surely there is something to the fact that both leaders are using the same word…

  • A Third Option for Speaker…

    January 5th, 2023

    The ongoing row in the House is about more than Kevin McCarthy and his totally unironic campaign for Speaker. At its most interesting, it’s a story about how winning can sometimes put you in a trickier place than losing.

    Consider: going into the last election cycle, the Democrats controlled the House, leaving the Republican fringe with nothing to gain by aggressively going against mainstream elements of the Republican party, a primary source of funding and support. Now, having won control by a particularly slim margin, the Republican party finds itself, once again, at the mercy of a growing internal fringe. For the party to achieve any of the partisan aspects of its agenda, every vote will increasingly count, and every fringe voice will increasingly be amplified.

    If McCarthy–or his successor nominees–are to succeed in this environment, conventional wisdom suggests that they will have to make major concessions to the fringe right, a group of about twenty representatives not strongly tied to the traditional GOP. And so, the tail will continue to wag the dog for the foreseeable future.

    After all, the alternative is to go without a Speaker indefinitely. And while some in the newly empowered fringe may claim to hope for the kind of de facto government shutdown that would ensue, most people would view the costs and risk resulting from prolonged disfunction in the House as a failure. The question for the mainstream Main Street and Wall Street Republican majority becomes: do you really want to play chicken with a bunch of people posing as irrational zealots–again?

    What if there were a third option? One that involved quickly putting in place a broadly popular government while simultaneously disarming and disempowering the fringe minority? What if, in other words, the tail didn’t have to wag the dog?

    There is in the House, right now, a very large group of representatives that could make that happen: the Democrats.

    So far, of course, they’ve voted as a consistent block for Hakeem Jeffries, the party’s choice for Majority Leader. With no incentive to break ranks, they sit, contentedly unified, watching, sometimes gleefully, while the Republican party paints itself incompetent.

    It’s not like the Democrats have an incentive to vote for someone who has expressed a desire to disown, disavow, and retaliate for the January 6th hearings; directly advanced election denialism; and otherwise promises to politicize the normal course of business in a range of important areas.

    But what about a centrist, middle-right Republican? Someone with a penchant for bipartisanship, capable of openly and publicly acknowledging the many problems with our current political culture, viscerally embodied by the Capital riots?

    Picture a Speaker who recognizes that dogma begets disfunction. Who forms rules and committees thoughtfully, with an eye towards balance and optimization. Who empowers members of both the political right and the political left to carve out and advocate for bipartisan legislation. Someone, in other words, who would seek to give voice to the people’s bipartisan views. Who is this person??

    Notice that this approach would immediately neuter the fringe right. Instead of making concessions to a vocal minority, a centrist Speaker could offer a choice: join the party in adopting a more moderate conservative agenda or explain to your electorate next election why you accomplished nothing.

    It feels like since Newt Gingrich and the founding of modern conservative media, the right has increasingly justified the mischaracterization of its opponents on the left with an “ends justifies the means” take on American politics. It’s hard to imagine the right not working towards the rhetorical evisceration of a Speaker from the Democratic party. It’s what’s good for ratings! But somehow the reverse rings less true–a centrist, pragmatic conservative could be accepted by left-leaning Americans and the liberal media. In all events, Republicans are used to playing the bad guys.

    Could a sufficient number of Democratic representatives be convinced to show support for a truly centrist Republican committed to running the House in a bipartisan manner? Could one? After all, the Republicans did win, if only barely. They’ve earned the right to appoint a Speaker from their party. Surely there’s someone in their ranks Democrats like, respect, and could support…

    Sadly, the laws of political inertia, mutable though they may be, suggest that such a deal is beyond hoping for–even if it could herald a period of revolutionary legislative productivity. Having held deputy leadership roles in the House for more than a decade, McCarthy’s destiny has always been tied to the Speakership. Like young gun Republicans before him, his future political relevance depends on victory here, and so, he seems likely to keep up the fight until forced to relent.

    McCarthy himself would probably offer some platitude like “You miss 100% of the shots you don’t take…” It’s up to mainstream Republicans to decide how many shots McCarthy ultimately gets. The rest of us need not hold our breath.

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